Only by prioritizing civilian aspects of governance, such as education and health, will the state be protected from rebellions that could challenge its power, writes researcher Tim Glawion.
In recent months, Central African politicians and journalists have shared images of soldiers posing in front of various billboards in the city - apparently as evidence that the state takes back control of a country caught in a civil war since almost a decade.
It began when rebel groups in the northeast of the country formed a coalition in 2012 to overthrow President François Bozizé. They then declared that they wanted to defend the interests of a marginalized population who demanded more development.
It is highly likely, however, that the rebellion was sparked by Bozizé's attempt to take control of themining activity lucrative armed groups.
This rebellion quickly gained momentum and easily overwhelmed a weak Central African army that had no interest in defending its autocratic ruler. Even though the rebels were dislodged from the capital under international pressure, and by a peacekeeping mission in 2014, they remain active in the hinterland.
If we take a look at the story Central African Republic, we realize that military control has always been short-lived in this vast and sparsely populated.
In depth study comparing the Central African Republic (CAR) to South Sudan and Somaliland, I found that the state's footprint in the outskirts of CAR was by far the smallest.
In my view, it is only by prioritizing civilian aspects of governance, such as education and health as well as infrastructure construction, that the state will be protected from rebellions that challenge its power, in the future.
A long history of conflict
The Central African Republic has for a long time been seen as the meeting point of societies from different parts of Africa and, more recently, European settlers. These meetings often resulted in violence.
Over the centuries, slavers have hunted down local populations there, French concessionaire companies brutally imposed unpaid labor there, and foreign militias set up camp there when they were driven out of their own country.
Such practices have led to divisions among populations living within the borders of the Central African Republic, created August 13, 1960. Heated debates over who is a native versus foreign national, status and family issues took place.
Politicians and public figures often question the real Central African identity of people who they believe have come from elsewhere or do not speak the national language.
Public institutions have not effectively addressed these issues. After the death of the nation's founding hero, Bartholomew Bogandashortly before independence, a small circle of elites in the capital, Bangui, focused on gaining and maintaining power.
david dacko, who became president thanks to a dubious deal with parliamentarians at the time of independence, was overthrown in a coup by the army commander Jean-Bedel Bokassa in 1965.
Bokassa ruled brutally, and any challenge to his power reinforced his paranoia. He was dismissed in 1979 with the help of France, and replaced again by Dacko. The latter was quickly overthrown by another military coup byAndre Kolingba in 1981.
Ange-Felix Patasse won the elections in 1993 and was suspicious of the army, convinced that its ranks included suspected Kolingba loyalists. This one, in fact, attempted an unsuccessful coup d'état in the early 2000s. But it is another military commander, François Bozizé, who succeeded in overthrowing Patassé with the support of Chad in 2003.
Given this historic track record, successive rulers have stopped funding security institutions. As a result, the weakened army was unable to cope with the great Seleka rebellion in 2013.
Since 2014, the army's capacities have been further strengthened thanks to the soutien international.
However, this situation gave rise to a military approach of exercising state control. Government officials regularly criticize thearms embargo which strikes their country and prevents them from progressing in the face of the rebels. Foreign powers try to curry favor with the government in him providing offering weapons and training.
The UN mission monitors and warns against past and current transgressions of the national army. The latter has thus become the central element of the negotiation on the role of the State inside and outside its borders.
Restoration of State authority
The return of the State and especially of its soldiers to peripheral localities is, indeed, often invoked by people on the ground, from the minister in Bangui to the farmer in the Ndélé region in the north.
However, deeper discussions show that people expect the state - unlike rebel groups and foreign forces - to deal with the issues that matter most to them: membership and status.
Many people have attitudes xenophobic against the inhabitants of presumed Arab origin - whom they call "Chadians". Many more are ready to welcome returnees displaced to neighboring countries due to the civil war, hoping that they will help revive the economy.
Central Africans expect the state to be not just a military power, but to lead an open debate about what it means to be Central African and who has the right to return to the country.
The population is tired of the impunity enjoyed by the perpetrators of violence, while armed groups have control over many regions. It expects the state not only to regain control, but also to deliver justice for past crimes and end impunity in the future.
Finally, public services are almost non-existent because the central state has never sought to develop the peripheries. The ongoing conflict is blocking any attempt at development. The people I spoke to want the state to devote its resources to public service and provide jobs and status for its citizens.
Given the history of the Central African Republic, inseparable from foreign armed groups and frequent coups d'état within a narrow elitist circle, it is not surprising that its citizens doubt the intentions of current actors to restore state authority.
Obtaining sustained public support for the institutions that have been put in place - a stronger national army and a larger public administration - will require addressing issues of membership, status and public service. A simple military reconquest will not create lasting stability.
Tim glawion, researcher, German Institute for Global and Regional Studies.
This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read theoriginal article.